Baloch Secession Claims and Fractured Federalism in Pakistan
“The Course of Recognition and Reconciliation”
Mushtaq Gaadi
At very outset, I would like to make a few explanatory statements. First, I am here concerned with the politics of identity and rights in the context of Balochistan in terms of the imperatives of recognition . As Charles Taylor says that “our identity is partly shaped by recognition or its absence, often by misrecognition of others ”. Secondly, misrecognition or non-recognition represents the denial of the humanity of others and thus breeds violence and oppression. Frantz Fanon, the celebrated post-colonial theorist, says that misrecognition constitutes a harm of the same order as exploitation, injustice and inequalities . Thirdly, democratic values and equality of individuals or collectivities (such as ethnic minorities, women, marginalized caste groups, etc.) cannot be realized without reciprocal recognition. Fourthly, the claims for secession are mostly the product of situations in which claimants experience absolute kind of non-recognition or what the German classical philosopher Hegel says the dialectics of master and slave .
1. Balochistan as the case of persistent misrecognition
Misrecognition is mostly understood in its association with recognition. However, empirically, misrecognition needs to be dealt separately in order to fully understand its potential harm or damage to individuals or collective groups. Therefore, I would elaborate a bit what does generally constitute misrecognition prior to particularizing it in the context of Balochistan.
Axel Honneth, the renowned German critical thinker, classifies misrecognition into three distinct forms. The first form of misrecognition corresponds to attacks on the physical integrity of individuals. Torture and rape are some classical examples of such misrecognition. It is usually aimed at depriving the target person from control over his body and subsequent loss of self-certainty and confidence. The second form of misrecognition entails the denial of one’s rights. These rights correspond to the equality of social status, political representation and economic opportunities. Thirdly, individuals or groups can be misrecognized if their distinct life style and ethical values are overlooked or stigmatized in very systemic fashion .
A cursory survey of the situation in Balochistan is even enough to empirically confirm the prevalence of extreme misrecognition. The incidents of disappearance and dumping of mutilated bodies is no more a secret as they have been widely reported in national press and noted by various human rights bodies . On the other hand, we also see the killing of settlers and migrants from Punjab by Baloch militant organizations . The net result is the denial of the humanity in general as well as the mounting brutalization of ground situation.
Notwithstanding very rich in natural resources along with highly thin demography , majority of Baloch dominated districts in the province are extremely poor and deprived of basic civic facilities. As per the recent report of Social Policy and Development Center (SPDC), Balochistan tops the poverty list with 45.68 percent of its population living below the poverty line . On the other hand, Baloch nationalist leaders apprehend that the on-going mega development projects, such as the construction of Gawadar Port, transnational energy pipelines and trade corridor, would reduce them into worthless minority in their own native areas. This apprehension is very difficult to change without granting certain constitutional guarantees with respect to maintaining present demographic balance.
The case of misrecognition in terms of lifestyle and cultural and ethical values is the most intriguing one. A significant proportion of Baloch population still lives in tribal setting. In fact, Baloch tribal territories are the center stage of insurgency and militant resistance. While Baloch tribes pay high esteem to their notions of territorial sovereignty, tradition of Jirga and other customs, the views of ruling urban elites and modernizing middle classes in the rest of Pakistan are entirely opposite. They consider Baloch tribal system as the remnants of past and customs and traditions of Baloch people archaic and politically oppressive.
Without acknowledging pluralism as the basis of mutual existence and political dialogue, there is little hope to ending the present state of misrecognition and prevalent violence in Balochistan.
2. Imperatives of reconciliation: reciprocal recognition and redistribution
Since the recent return of parliamentary and federal democracy in Pakistan, reconciliation has become the buzz word among ruling political elites and circles of policy makers of the country. However, practically, the concept is often understood as political compromise and tactical accommodation of dissenting ethnic and regional voices.
The case of Balochistan is no more different. The PPP government formulated a reform package Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan. It was aimed to undertake several constitutional, political and economic measures to address the long standing grievances of Balochistan. Although partially successful in terms of providing some economic and financial relief to the restive province but it couldn't its political objectives. Political violence from both separatist militants and state agencies has not been stopped. Practically, there are no signs of political dialogue leading towards durable reconciliation between present adversaries.
The experience across the world shows that reconciliation is primarily the matter of justice which can be then further divided into three sub-categories, namely recognition, redistribution and representation. Without simultaneously attending these three imperatives, the prospects for the success of reconciliation remain shadowy.
At the risk of reduction, I propose the following three non-linear steps to march towards the course of reconciliation in Balochistan.
a) Establishment of Balochistan Truth Commission
b) Redistributive justice mechanism
c) Incorporation of consociational elements into federal design
3. Conclusion
I would like to conclude this presentation by quoting an observation of Ghaus Bakhash Bizenjo, the late veteran Baloch nationalist leader who acquired the public title of the Father of Dialogue and Democracy due to his refusal to endorse Baloch secessionist claim as well as his support for parliamentary federal democracy. He made the said observation in the context of his persistent dialogue with political leaders of hegemonic Punjab. He says,
“This is my last effort. I have been at this exercise for the last ten years since our release from Hyderabad jail. I have been frequently going to Punjab and trying to persuade the leaders of Punjab to read the writing on the wall. I have been pleading with them from every platform I have had access, to join the struggle of the smaller nationalities for their legitimate rights; rather to assume the lead in winning the confidence of the smaller nationalities by acknowledging their rights without any reservation.
The apathy shown by the ruling classes sometimes lead me to think that the position taken by my comrade (secession ) and which I have been dismissing as subjective is perhaps not so. On the contrary, I now tend to ask myself: am I the victim of a flawed line of thinking? …. The intelligentsia and the thinking segments of the smaller nationalities are finding it increasingly difficult to bear the persistent denial and suppression of their rights…They argue and I cannot but agree that no one can or will tolerate a life of slavery for all times. ”
To conclude it, I would interpret the observation of Mir Ghaus Buksh Bizenjo with the help of the concept of strategic misrecognition. Strategic misrecognition is defined as the product of “a calculus of force-relationships” in which institutional power acquires isolation from an environment and thus strives to gain a mastery of time through an autonomous foundation. So I would question whether the present deadly struggle going on in Balochistan is not the reflection of a calculus of force-relationship? Has not it acquired its own foundation isolated from the environment of enmity and premised upon the dialectics of master and slave?
(This brief paper was read in UNDP Conference on Federalism in Pakistan in 2015)
